Social Structures and Groupings 社会结构和群组划分 Social structure takes the form of the organization of multiple social subgroupings, which provide the varied and overlapping context within which the individual person defines and articulates his sense of social self. The catalogue of such groupings is large and varied indeed. The multiple groupings into which society organizes itself articulate themselves around a wide variety of differences, each of which can serve as the rationale of grouping and for the division and opposition between groups. A given individual living within this social ambivalence may affiliate himself in varying degrees with many such groupings, most of which have a degree of non-exclusiveness, but among which certain tensions are possible. Thus a man can be Republican, a musician, a Protestant, a Rotarian, a stamp collector, and married. But he cannot be female, nor can he concurrently be a Democrat, nor can he be Jewish. Thus while certain membership potentialities are not mutually exclusive, others are. 社会结构的形式是多个社会 次级群组划分 的组织，这些 次级群组划分 提供了各种不同的和重叠的环境，个人在其中界定和表达他的社会自体意识。这种群体划分的目录确实是庞大而多样的。社会组织成的多种群组划分 围绕着各种各样的差异来阐述自己，每一种差异都可以作为群组划分的理由，也可以作为群组之间分割和对立的理由。一个生活在这种社会矛盾心理中的特定个体，可能在不同程度上隶属于许多这样的群体划分，其中大多数群体划分具有一定程度的非排他性，但在这些群体划分之间却可能存在某些紧张关系。因此，一个男人可以是共和党人、音乐家、新教徒、轮值党人、集邮者，已婚人士。但他不能是女性，也不能同时是民主党人，也不能是犹太人。因此，虽然某些成员资格并不相互排斥，但其他成员资格却相互排斥。 Yet, even within such nonexclusive groupings, tension and potential contradictions can arise. Thus if an individual were Democratic and Catholic, tension may arise between the political platform which calls for the repeal of the abortion statutes and the espoused position of the Church, which regards abortion as sinful and opposes the liberalizing of abortion laws. Similarly, a Jewish politician might find himself in conflict if his political party espoused a position condemning Israeli attacks as aggression and supporting Arab demands in Middle East negotiations. While such nonexclusive groupings can be a source of conflict and tension, they are usually not the arena in which the paranoid mechanisms generally come into play. 然而，即使在这种非排他性的群体划分中，也会出现紧张和潜在的矛盾。因此，如果一个人既是民主党又是天主教徒，那么，呼吁废除堕胎法规的政治纲领 与 认为堕胎是罪恶的、反对放宽堕胎法的教会立场之间可能会出现紧张关系。同样，如果一个犹太政治家的政党主张谴责以色列的攻击是侵略，并支持阿拉伯人在中东谈判中的要求，那么他可能会发现自己处于冲突之中。虽然这种非排他性的群体划分可能是冲突和紧张的根源，但它们通常不是偏执机制通常发挥作用的舞台。 The paranoid mechanisms are much more likely to find expression in the context of exclusive group membership. We can often easily identify such mechanisms at work. On the contemporary scene, the radical Women's Lib Movement seems to lend itself to such manifestations. The standoff between male chauvinism and the Women's Liberation Movement, particularly in its more extreme and abrasive forms, seems to take on a somewhat paranoid cast. 偏执机制更有可能在排他性群体成员资本的环境下找到表现。我们常常可以轻易地识别出这种机制的作用。在当代，激进的妇女解放运动似乎适合于这种表现。男性沙文主义与妇女解放运动之间的对峙，特别是在其较为极端和粗暴的形式下，似乎有一种偏执色彩。